The Pilgrims Society
Part 2: The State Department vs. the DoD's Neoconservatism
For American Pilgrims the most important government department is the Department of State; no less than 17 of the 28 Secretaries of State of the 20th century appear in Pilgrims list compiled by PEHI. In case of the British Pilgrims this department is the Foreign Office. Why the Pilgrims have this continuous involvement in these government departments - several hundred ambassadors can be found within the ranks of the Pilgrims Society - may have a variety of reasons: one is the aristocratic nature of diplomacy; another the importance of this department over many of the other, less influential offices.
After World War II the State Department's monopoly over foreign affairs received significant competition from the covert intelligence and action branches of the intelligence agencies, the most well known being the CIA. The Defense Department's Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) also has been involved in its fair share of covert action, about which we know far less than the CIA's . As the following report summarizes, it is this Defense Department which increasingly has grown to become a major competitor of the State Department.
"Throughout the first four years of the Bush administration, Powell and the State Department have been viewed with suspicion or outright hostility by right-wing neo-conservative elements entrenched in the civilian leadership of the Pentagon and in Vice President Cheney’s office.
"Neither Powell nor his chief deputy, Richard Armitage, opposed the Bush administration’s wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, but they were regarded as too closely aligned to the traditional foreign policy methods of American imperialism favored by career State Department and CIA officials, based on utilizing alliance structures like NATO and international institutions like the UN... There were also reported clashes over US policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with Powell resisting the White House inclination to give a blank check to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, in favor of preserving the illusion that Washington could act as a broker between the two sides...
"The removal of Powell and Armitage, while Rumsfeld continues in the Pentagon together with his deputy Paul Wolfowitz, marks a clear victory for the most bellicose faction in the administration. Rice generally sided with Rumsfeld and Cheney in the internecine battles over policy, although she played no independent role and was regarded as hopelessly over her head, even by supporters of the war in Iraq. The New York Times observed Tuesday that what Rice actually thought on key issues was something of a mystery. “Ms. Rice has kept her foreign policy views largely to herself over the last four years,” the newspaper’s front-page article on the nomination said." 
In line with the long tradition of the State Department, Rice never completely submitted to the policies of the Neoconservatives dominating Washington politics. In June 2008, Rice spoke out forcefully against Israel's policies on the West Bank, something which most officials in the Bush administration wouldn't think of saying. 
In the early days the Defense Department, founded in 1947 as part of the national security state, was regularly headed by a Pilgrim, or at least a close associate of the traditional Eastern Establishment. Think of James Forrestal (1947-1949), George Marshall (1950-1951), Robert Lovett (1951-1953), Thomas S. Gates (1959-1961) and, briefly, Elliot L. Richardson (January-May 1973). Caspar Weinberger (1981-1987), a Pilgrims executive, was also very much devoted to the Anglo-American cause, but didn't have a traditional Eastern Establishment background.
Charles E. Wilson was the first Secretary of Defense (1953-1957) who was not really himself part of the Anglo-American establishment. But it is clear that the political ideas of this early Secretary of Defense were much more in line with the Anglo-American establishment than some of his Neoconservative successors, Rumsfeld (1975-1977; 2001-2006) and Cheney (1989-1993) in particular. Interestingly, it was Washington Post editor and columnist Robert G. Kaiser, the son of Pilgrim Philip M. Kaiser, who in 1977 wrote one of the best exposés on the the new and upcoming Neoconservative movement. The article also described how the Neoconservatives had begun to implement their own "Mockingbird" operation:
"RICHARD PERLE is 35 years old and smart - or brilliant, or admirably effective, or an evil genius, depending on who is describing him. Whatever the proper adjectives, Richard Perle has power. He may be one of the dozen most important people in Washington in the area of strategic arms policy. Perle's line is hard. From his cramped office on Capitol Hill runs what one critical friend calls "a detente-wrecking operation."...
"AMONG specialists in the field, Perle is widely thought to have special access to one journalistic outlet, the [Rowland] Evans and [Robert] Novak column. "Jesus," said one member of Congress, "I can't tell you the number of things Perle has told me that a few days later showed up in Evans and Novak. That's happened half a dozen times in the last year."... Several sources in Congress and the executive branch who regard Perle as an opponent said that he and his allies make masterful use of the Evans and Novak column...
"Former colleagues of Henry Kissinger and several other Ford administration officials suggested that Evans and Novak were - whether wittingly or not - used by a "cabal" involving Perle and two others: John F. Lehman Jr., deputy director of the Arms Control agency during the Ford administration, and Lt. Gen. Edward Rowney, since 1972 the Joint Chief's representative on the SALT delegation. Lehman and Perle are close personal friends. Several sources spoke darkly of this trio and its purported influence in persistent efforts to undermine Kissinger's SALT initiatives... according to informed officials, Rumsfeld did intervene with Ford and blocked a Kissinger mission to Moscow that December." 
The conflict between State and Defense about foreign policy centers around U.S. policy towards Israel. Right after World War II certain elements in the CIA and the Defense establishment, largely represented by General Walter Bedell Smith, head of the CIA from 1950 to 1953, began a covert relationship with the Israelis . The State Department's aristocrats, who after the retirement of Bedell Smith also controlled the CIA through Allen Dulles and Wisner, didn't want that much to do with Israel for a variety of reasons . This attitude remained on or near the surface for decades to come and reports in the early 1990s describing both the State Department's and James Baker's (a Pilgrim) antagonist relationship with Israel and the Zionist movement should hardly come as a surprise .
Pilgrims and Israel
By the 1930s it had become clear that the Arabs, and especially the extremely anti-semitic Ibn Saud, were floating on a sea of oil. FDR, Churchill and even Clement Attlee's Labour Party had always been quite sympathetic to the Jews, but the oil made the Arabs such an important strategic asset that all these political leaders decided that the Arabs should not be agitated too much over the Jewish-Palestinian question .
Over the years virtually every member of the Pilgrims Society appears to have favored Arab oil and anti-communism over good relations with Israel. Going through the biographies of Pilgrims you'll find that many did not like the way the Israelis handled the Palestinian question . At the same time, in the roughly 1,500 biographies gathered before writing this article there are only one or two past members of the Anti-Defamation League; members of AIPAC, CPMAJO, or any other ultra-radical branch of the radical Israel Lobby are completely absent. This is not particularly surprising for a number of reasons.
Anglo-American high society, represented by the Pilgrims, has historically been quite anti-semitic. Only a small amount of Jews have been made members of the Pilgrims, and quite possibly only because they couldn't be ignored. These Jews tended to be members of the major Jewish banking houses and, except for the Rothschilds, they were only moderately Zionist at best. The Rothschilds can't be compared to today's radical Zionist lobby, however.
The Rothschilds were primarily British imperialists who wanted to see Israel as a part of the British Empire and up until the late 1950s James de Rothschild argued for Israel's incorporation within the British Commonwealth . The family never supported the anti-communist alliance with the Nazis (generally known as "appeasement") as envisioned by Chamberlain, the Duke of Windsor clique, and the British aristocrats dominating the Bank of England. This same group of ruthless appeasers severely restricted immigration to British-controlled Palestine, wouldn't allow Jews to buy land in 95 percent of Palestine, and came up with 1939 White Paper, which called for the assimilation of a relatively small group of Jews into a Palestinian-dominated state. The Rothschilds didn't support any of these policies, but they were caught between the increasingly violent actions of the Zionist resistance against the British and their own government's policies of handing the Jews over to Hitler and his Arabian allies, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem and Ibn Saud. 
After World War II and the holocaust anti-semitism became very unfashionable. This didn't mean that the aristocrats of the Pilgrims Society all of sudden became great supporters of the Zionist cause. Most Jews which had survived the death camps remained stuck in the "displaced persons" camps with no place to go. Most of them had absolutely nothing to return to - no home, no possessions, no family; many wanted to emigrate to England, the United States or Palestine. Unfortunately this proved to be very difficult. Britain and the United States continued to enforce their strict pre-WWII immigration laws while the British kept blocking the Jews from entering Palestine. However, because of the long anti-Zionist activities of the British in Palestine, the Zionist participation on the side of the Allies in World War II, and large Jewish communities in the United States, Britain and the USSR, the Zionists had a very well organized intelligence network. Within several years they had smuggled a great number of weapons into Palestine, helped many thousands of Jews circumvent the British blockades, thoroughly penetrated the British administration, and ran a successful guerilla war against the British administration in Palestine.  The result was that the British were forced in the spring of 1947 to hand over the question of Palestine's future to the United Nations. The United States and the Soviet Union wrote a plan which would give both the Palestinians and the Israelis a country of their own. The countries in the United Nations had to vote on the partition plan in late November 1947, and if approved, an independent Israel would be created in May 1948.
Key to the approval of the partition plan was the support of the United States, but even though President Truman was sympathetic to the Jewish problem, he faced serious opposition from his State Department (controlled by Pilgrims) and wasn't prepared to pressure other countries over the issue.  This changed when American Zionists as Abe Feinberg (a close associate of David Ben-Gurion) informed Truman they would financially back him in the upcoming elections against his main Republican opponent, Thomas Dewey. Dewey, a Pilgrim, was supported by all the big interests, which had grown very tired of FDR's pro-New Deal and anti-fascist policies (Truman was FDR's vice president). After the agreement with the Zionists, Truman successfully pressured countries as France, the Philippines, Haiti and Liberia with economic sanctions and managed to get the partitioning of Palestine approved by a comfortable majority. The Zionists kept their promise and early on raised enough money for Truman to make his crucial coast to coast election campaign trip.  Stephen Smith, a brother-in-law of John F. Kennedy with a lot of experience in the Democratic Party, later stated: "Two million dollars went aboard the Truman train in a paper bag, and that's what paid for the State of Israel." 
However, there appears to be more to the story of Zionist activity in the United States at the time Israel was created. Many Israelis, including the senior leadership, had first hand experience with the German concentration camps and had lost their entire families in the holocaust. This makes it very hard to understand why the Israelis, well known for their tendency towards retaliatory operations, never tried to get all the Western industrialists and bankers prosecuted for having worked so closely with the Nazis. Equally puzzling is the fact that the Israelis, apart from the Adolf Einchman affair, never used their excellent intelligence network to track down all the surviving Nazis. U.S. intelligence and General Reinhard Gehlen certainly had no trouble finding and employing a good number of them. Why did the Israelis keep quiet all these years?
The person who might have explained these questions to some extent is John Loftus. The emphasis here is on might, because Loftus is not a particularly reliable writer. Taking a look at the biography provided with his books will satisfy most people: consultant to CBS's 60 Minutes and ABC's Prime Time and former prosecutor with the Justice Department's Nazi hunting unit with access to top secret national security archives. Unfortunately, Loftus is also an ultra-radical Neoconservative with ties to rather notorious people in the CIA, Army Intelligence, Special Forces, British Intelligence and the Mossad.  As a result his books are a combination of anti-communist and anti-Arab propaganda, and at the same time a total whitewash of Israel's policies and its intelligence associates in the United States. This having been said, Loftus's claim that James Forrestal, Allen Dulles and Nelson Rockefeller were working with the Nazis before and during World War II is accurate. And in this light Loftus gave an interesting account of the 1947 United Nations conference on the partitioning of Palestine.
According to Loftus, the Zionist intelligence network had gathered a lot of information on Nelson Rockefeller's treasonous activities during World War II. But instead of handing this information over to the newspapers or the judges in Nuremberg they confronted Nelson with the information several days before the final vote on the United Nations partition plan. At the time everyone was still very uncertain if the Zionists would be able to gather the needed two-third majority vote. The Zionists decided not only to pressure Truman over this issue, but also his long time representative to Latin America, Nelson Rockefeller. 
According to Loftus's intelligence sources, Nelson was ultimately able to make a deal with the Zionists: he would muscle the reluctant South American dictators into supporting the partition plan; in return the Zionists wouldn't leak their information to the outside world and wouldn't hunt down all the Nazis that the bankers of the Eastern Establishment and the intelligence agencies were protecting. Nelson kept his word: within a matter of days Argentina, Colombia and El Salvador switched from a "no" to abstaining to vote; Brazil and Haiti went from a "no" to a "yes"; and Nicaragua, Bolivia and Ecuador went from abstaining to a "yes". This, in combination with U.S. pressure on the rest of the world, resulted in the partition plan being adopted with a comfortable majority. 
Zionist meeting in the 1950s. F.l.t.r.: Moshe Tov, Latin-American secretary for the Jewish Agency; ambassador Gideon Raphael, a senior Israeli diplomat; Sy Kenan, founder and head of the powerful AIPAC lobby; Mossad founder Reuven Shiloah, who became minister of Israel to the U.S.; and Abba Eban, Israeli ambassador to the U.S. Shiloah was largely responsible for weaving Israel's "triangle of influence" in the United States, a reference to Israel's contacts in the White House and the State Department, both houses of Parliament, and the major Jewish lobby organizations. AIPAC takes care of Congress and the Senate; CPMAJO, once headed by Shiloah's close ally, Philip M. Klutznick (president of B'nai B'rith and the World Jewish Congress), focuses on the executive branch. What did these men know about the Rockefellers and other industrialist and banking families who worked with the fascists before and during WWII?
|The events described by Loftus in this case could very well have happened. He named Reuven Shiloah as the man who led the blackmail operation.  This would have been an ideal person for this kind of work. Shiloah was David Ben-Gurion's intelligence chief who attended all the United Nations conferences that were important to Israel. In 1949, he founded the Mossad and was the intelligence agencies' director from 1950 to 1953. From 1953 until his death in 1959 Shiloah was a minister of Israel to the United States where he built contacts with the Jewish community and its increasingly influential Zionist Lobby.  As for Nelson Rockefeller, if the Zionists would have convinced Truman (they did) to pressure countries into supporting the partition plan, it would have made all the sense in the world for Truman to work through Nelson Rockefeller when it came to pressuring South American countries. Nelson had been chairman of the Inter-American Development Commission and Corporation from October 1940 to May 1947, an organization that was established at the outbreak of World War II to reorganize the Latin American economies to compensate for the loss of the European markets. In addition, Nelson had been coordinator of the Office of Inter-American Affairs from 1940 to 1944. This office was responsible for the civilian side of the strategic defense of Latin America. In 1945, Nelson led some of the negotiations with the South American leaders to bring all their countries into the United Nations. FDR and Truman reluctantly allowed even the continent's most fascist nation - Argentina - to join. Nelson, however, had been all for it from the beginning: "Asked why Argentina was admitted to the United Nations, he [Nelson Rockefeller] replied that it was the most anti-communist state in South America and was needed as a spearhead against Russia." |
Without a doubt Nelson would have been the person to talk to if anyone wanted something from the Latin American countries. But did the Zionists really blackmail Rockefeller? That's a question impossible to answer at this point, but it is certainly possible; maybe even likely. It may also explain in part why the Zionists did so little to expose Nazi collaboration and the post-war fascist undergrounds, which were sponsored by Western intelligence agencies. It was only in the 1980s and early 1990s that intelligence-connected authors as Russ Bellant and John Loftus exposed some of these stories.
Pilgrims and international fascism
"Conservative people often fail to see what they are doing when they ignore the evident perils of the Fascist state on the ground that it is after all preferable to Communism... If the Fascist state wins out, the cleavages [between a small group of leaders and all the rest] will be extraordinarily great..."
- 1930s, liberal Catholic spokesman George N. Shuster (1939, George Seldes, 'The Catholic Crisis', pp. 9-10)
The collaboration of U.S., British and French companies and banks with the fascist regimes, especially Germany, goes back to the birth of communism in 1917 and the Treaty of Versailles in 1919.
Simply put, fascism is the antithesis to everything communism is supposed to have stood for. Working conditions have never been particularly uplifting for the average citizens, but the industrial revolution during the late 19th century and early 20th century rapidly began to change things. As a result of technological advances leading to more wealth and better education, the suppressed workers class slowly began to organize itself against the ruling class of industrialists and land barons. This led to the creation of political movements as socialism and communism, which promoted the idea of a class struggle. The industrialists resisted by firing, intimidating, and-or murdering workers who tried to organize labor unions . Politicians sponsored by this same ruling class also had by far the biggest chance of getting elected to public office, not only because of funds donated to their electoral campaigns but also through favorable press reports. William E. Dodd, FDR's ambassador to Nazi Germany from 1933-1938, characterized fascism in the following way:
"When industrialists ignore laws designed for social and economic progress, they will seek recourse to a fascist state when the institutions of our government compel them to comply with the provisions." 
The biggest fear of the great industrialists and land barons has always been communism and socialism. If the working classes would manage to stage revolutions as had happened in 1917 in the Soviet Union (which soon turned into a banal dictatorship), they would not only demand higher wages, social security and a reduced work week, but would also attempt to break up the monopolies and redistribute the great land holdings. The ruling class was not about to let this happen and sponsored leaders which would suppress these labor movements.
|Mussolini in Italy|| |
|Mussolini was sponsored by the Lega Industriale of Turin, the Confederazione Generale dell'Industria, the Associazione fra Industriali Metallurgici Mecannici ed Affini, the Landowners Association, the Societa Ansaldo (shipbuilders), Fiat, the Banca Commerciale of Milan and a whole range of other banks and corporations.  Leading Wall Street bankers were very supportive of Mussolini's regime. One of the most prominent was Thomas W. Lamont, a Morgan banker and chairman of the Pilgrims from 1939 to 1945. |
|Hitler in Germany|| |
|Among the industrialists and bankers who provided crucial financial support to Hitler's party were Fritz Thyssen, Hjalmar Schacht, Friedrich Frick and Baron Kurt von Schroder. The Wall Street allies of these Nazi financiers included Henry Ford, the Watson family of IBM, the Dillons, Rockefellers, and the Dulles brothers.  Along with leading British banks, member companies of the Federation of British Industries (equivalent of the fascist National Association of Manufacturers in the U.S.) also reached out to Hitler. |
|Franco in Spain|| |
|Sponsors of Franco were individuals as the Duke of Alba, who owned huge acres of land; Juan March, who had a tobacco monopoly; Rio Tinto Spain and the Society of Jesus. The latter had suffered great loss of property after King Alfonso had been thrown out.  Incredibly, Britain supported the fascist takeover. |
|At the time of World War II, Japan was completely controlled by a financial oligarchy surrounding emperor Hirohoto. The major "Zaibatsu" in this oligarchy were Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Sumitomo and Yasuda.  Some of them had cartel agreements with companies as Standard Oil and I.G. Farben. |
|France||Banque Worms, Banque Nationale pour Le Commerce et l'Industrie, the Banque de Paris et des Pays Bas, and the Banque de l'Indochine all supported French fascism.  Chase Paris was equally pro-fascist , while the pro-fascist British branch of Lazard closely cooperated with its French counterpart . |
One of the French versions of fascism centered around reports of a "Synarchist Movement of Empire" which, together with sympathetic elements in the United States, Great Britain, Nazi Germany, and likely other countries, was interested in carving up the world in monopolistic cartels (where have we heard that before?), followed by political integration. Coincidentally, among the American interests reportedly sympathetic to the Synarchy were pro-fascist industrialists as Ford and Du Pont. A WWII U.S. intelligence document reportedly read:
"The reactionary movement known as "Synarchie" has been in existence in France for nearly a century. Its aim has always been to carry out a bloodless revolution, inspired by the upper classes, aimed at producing a form of government by "technicians" (the founder of the movement was a "polytechnician"), under which home and foreign policy would be subordinated to international economy...
"It is alleged that certain industrial circles in Great Britain are also in sympathy with the movement. Some headway is claimed to have been made in securing the adhesion of big U.S. industry to the movement...
"In regard to Germany, it is hoped ultimately to eliminate Hitler, Goebbels, and Himmler with his Gestapo, from the political scene, thus facilitating the formation of an Anglo-Franco-German economic bloc...
"The source has added that in the Worms group it is believed that those circles in Great Britain who are favorably disposed to their plans, are most critical of [the pro-interventionist] Mr. Churchill..." 
The Synarchy is generally laughed at by historians these days, but virtually all of them ignore the fact that there's a lot of evidence that big business supported international fascism, while at the same time not only the "gullible" public was interested in the Synarchy, but also that American diplomats and French judges took it very serious.
Promising reports on the Synarchy went away in the months after World War II, and most of the big financiers and industrialists (who were said to be behind the Synarchy) were released. Reports that this Synarchy had been behind fascist groups like the Cagoule, which tried to undermine French democracy before World War II, were never thoroughly investigated. 
|Great Britain||Before and during World War II there was a large group of aristocrats, bankers, and industrialists which sought to cooperate with the new fascist regimes in Europe. Prime minister Chamberlain, the Duke of Windsor clique, Imperial Chemical Industries and the Federation of British Industries, press barons as Lord Rothermere and Lord Beaverbrook, the major banking families dominating the Bank of England--they all supported "Anglo-German peace" while promoting domestic groups as the British Union of Fascists, the Link, the Nordic League and the secretive Right Club.|
|United States||As already reported, and as will be detailed later on this article, the industrialists and Wall Street bankers that supported the fascist regimes in Europe, also promoted domestic fascism within the United States. They included the largest family fortunes in the United States of the time, including Ford, du Pont, Rockefeller, Mellon, McCormick, Hartford, Harkness, Duke, Pew, Pitcairn, Clark, Reynolds, Kress.  To this list of promoters of fascism can be added Morgan, Watson, Aldrich, Dillon, Dulles, etc. Many of these families belonged to the Pilgrims.|
After Germany had lost World War I, there was some disagreement about what to do with the country. The French wanted to tear it down militarily, financially and politically and take control of Germany's huge coal and iron ore reserves. The British establishment was very apprehensive of this, as historically France had been a great opponent of Britain. They did not want to see a powerful France which could challenge the interests of the British Empire; so instead they began - with the help of Wall Street - extending large loans to Germany in an effort to revitalize its economy.  Hitler understood Britain's attitude very well. Already in 1924, in his book 'Mein Kampf', he wrote:
"What England has always desired, and will continue to desire, is to prevent any one Continental Power in Europe from attaining a position of world importance…The consequences of England’s war policy were and are disastrous for Germany. However, we cannot close our eyes to the fact that, as things stand to-day, the necessary interests of England no longer demand the destruction of Germany. On the contrary, British diplomacy must tend more and more, from year to year, towards curbing France’s unbridled lust after hegemony..." 
British bankers as Montagu Norman, Lord Kindersley and Charles Hambro (all Pilgrims) called Germany, even after the Nazis had taken over, a "great stabilizing force" , a reference to both French and communist influence. They encouraged large loans to be made to Germany. The same attitude dominated Wall Street. The Morgan bank extended large loans to Germany and Mussolini's Italy. In the mid 1920s Dillon, Read & Company, another major Pilgrims firm, set up Vereinigte Stahlwerke (German Steel Trust) and the German Credit and Investment Corp. with Fritz Thyssen. Thyssen would become one of the most important financiers of Hitler. The Harriman family, Pilgrims and good friends of the Dillons, set up the Union Banking Corporation (UBC) with this same Fritz Thyssen. Other Nazi financiers, the Rockefellers and Schroders, joined forces in 1936, setting up Schroder Rockefeller & Co. The Watsons of IBM (Pilgrims) provided the Nazis with identification and cataloging technology which would make the holocaust so brutally effective. The prominent Pilgrims-dominated law firm Sullivan & Cromwell, headed at the time by the Dulles brothers, put together a lot of the contracts between Wall Street and the Nazi industrialists. One of the Dulles brothers, Allen, was on the board of the Schroder Bank and was closely associated with Baron Kurt von Schroder, who together with Hjalmar Schacht and Fritz Thyssen was a crucial supporter of Hitler.
Support for the Nazis in certain British aristocratic circles was just as strong. This might be confusing to a lot of people as it is still generally assumed that Hitler wanted to conquer Great Britain. This is not true. Hitler's primary concern had always been to expand Germany's "Lebensraum" into eastern Europe and Russia, and although he may have had plans from the beginning to secure the Atlantic border at some point, the British Empire was to be left alone. In fact, Hitler believed an alliance with Great Britain was desirable:
"If new territory were to be acquired in Europe it must have been mainly at Russia’s cost, and once again the new German Empire should have set out on its march along the same road as was formerly trodden by the Teutonic Knights… For such a policy, however, there was only one possible ally in Europe. That was England. Only by alliance with England was it possible to safeguard the rear of the new German crusade… No sacrifice should have been considered too great if it was a necessary means of gaining England’s friendship. Colonial and naval ambitions should have been abandoned and attempts should not have been made to compete against British industries." 
Hitler repeated his desire for an Anglo-German alliance on many occasions.  Certain aristocratic circles in both Britain and Germany responded to this call by setting up a number of private Anglo-German societies. The Imperial Policy Group was organized in 1934; the Anglo-German Fellowship in 1935. The Anglo-German Association, which had existed since 1929, was equally filled with aristocratic supporters of a militant German regime.
A number of groups which sought to promote domestic fascism were also set up. The British Union of Fascists is the most well known, but there also were the Link, the Nordic League, and more secretive and extremely anti-semitic, the Right Club, organized in 1939. Following is a brief description of these societies and some of the peculiar people that could be found in them.
|1929||Anglo-German Association||At the time it was founded the set up of the Anglo-German Association was compared to that of the Pilgrims and the Anglo-French Society with both a domestic and a foreign branch.  The society's aims were "to promote general friendly relations between Great Britain and Germany".  First president of the society was the Pilgrim Lord Reading, who retired from the society in 1933 after public persecutions against Jews had begun in Germany.  President of the German branch was Wilhelm Cuno, who at the same time was chairman of the Hamburg-Amerika Line , the shipping line which throughout the 1930s worked in cooperation with the Harriman and Walker-Bush families in bringing Nazi propaganda and German agents to the United States.  The vice presidents of the British society mainly were hard-right, anti-communist appeasers, among them Lord D'Abernon*, Philip Snowden, H. A. L. Fisher*, and General Sir Ian Hamilton.  The latter might well have been a relative of the Duke of Hamilton whom Rudolf Hess tried to reach in May 1941. Sir Ian actually was among those Hess was interested in seeing after parachuting into Britain. |
Carroll Quigley was very familiar with at least two vice presidents of the Anglo-German Association and recognized their hard-right leanings:
"The "anti-Bolsheviks," who were also anti-French, were extremely important from 1919 to 1926, but then decreased to little more than a lunatic fringe, rising again in numbers and influence after 1934 to dominate the real policy of the government in 1939. In the earlier period the chief figures in this group were Lord Curzon*, Lord D'Abernon, and General Smuts*. They did what they could to destroy reparations, permit German rearmament, and tear down what they called "French militarism."... The anti-Bolsheviks, including D'Abernon, Smuts, Sir John Simon, and H. A. L. Fisher (Warden of All Souls College), were willing to go to any extreme to tear down France and build up Germany. ... D'Abernon advocated a secret alliance of Britain "with the German military leaders in cooperating against the Soviets."" 
* attended one or more Pilgrims Society meetings.
|1934||Imperial Policy Group||The Imperial Policy Group was organized by a number of Conservative members of Parliament, among them Lord Scone, Alfred Wise and Victor Raikes.  The group was "seriously alarmed as to the drift of public opinion to the left", wanted to return to an "Imperial policy", and among the things they were interested in was a "strengthening of the Constitution".  The group would soon become great supporters of Chamberlain's appeasement policy. After the extremely treacherous and immoral Munich Agreement of 1938, in which Czechoslovakia was handed over to the Nazis, Victor Raikes even stated that Chamberlain "will go down in history as the greatest European statesman of this or any other time".  The most interesting person that was involved with the Imperial Policy Group was Kenneth de Courcy, who had been among the founders, acted as secretary, and wrote the group's reviews on international affairs.  |
De Courcy was an agent and informant of Major General Stewart Menzies , the deputy head of the SIS (MI6), a strong advocate of appeasement, and a life-long anti-communist crusader and propagandist. De Courcy was also in close contact with Neville Chamberlain, whom he briefed after meeting with Mussolini in Italy and Eduard Benes of Czechoslovakia,  and the notoriously pro-Nazi Duke of Windsor (King of England from January to December 1936)  who was at the center of the anti-communist British-Nazi cooperation. Interestingly, on July 17, 1941, the News Review wrote about de Courcy:
"Outspokenly hostile was the Upper Crust Imperial Policy Group, whose secretary is Kenneth de Courcy. Year ago Mr. de Courcy was saying that Petain should negotiate peace rather than have a Communist Government set up in Paris. He once defended the Cagoulards ("Hooded Ones"), Fascist terrorist organization which attempted to seize power in France just before the war." 
De Courcy and his associates sued the News Review for libel and won. Whatever the details of the case, this is exactly the kind of ideas you'd expect from a person like de Courcy. His associates were on the same page as the bankers and industrialists behind both the Cagoule and the Synarchy in France.
After World War II de Courcy continued to write his Intelligence Digest, a small anti-communist propaganda magazine which was also distributed in the United States. He became involved with the British Israel World Federation, which promotes the idea that "the descendants of the so-called "Lost Ten Tribes" of the Northern House of Israel are to be found in the Anglo-Saxon-Celtic and kindred peoples of today."  In 1989 de Courcy's name turned up again when Lyndon LaRouche claimed that he had been approached by de Courcy as a dealmaker on behalf of the people behind the Larouche persecution. 
|1935||Anglo-German Fellowship||The Anglo-German Fellowship, alternately known as the Anglo- German Friendship Society, was set up in 1935 with the help of City banker Ernest Tennant, who for several years by then had been a friend of Joachim von Ribbentrop, an unofficial and later official diplomat of Hitler in London.  Like the Anglo-German Association, the Anglo-German Fellowship had branches in both Germany and England. In a short amount of time the fellowship gathered about 50 members of the House of Commons and the House of Lords, three directors of the Bank of England and many generals, admirals, bishops and bankers. The fellowship would organize dinners in London that would be attended by both British and German citizens. |
Among the German aristocrats visiting meetings in London were the Duke of Saxe-Coburg Gotha, head of the German fellowship; Prince Otto von Bismark, a business associate of Hjalmar Schacht; Prince Ludwig of Hesse, who married the daughter of a British ambassador to the U.S. (a Pilgrim) who also was a long-time chairman of Rio Tinto; Graf Durckheim-Montmartin, one of Ribbentrop's diplomats who at the same time was an occultist in contact with fascist occultists as Karl Haushofer and Julius Evola; Baron Steengracht, the Reich Foreign Office State Secretary; SS-Gruppenführer Graf von Pückler; Kurt Von Stutterheim, London correspondent for the Berliner Tageblatt; and Baroness Schroder, apparently the wife or a close relative of Baron Bruno Schroder or maybe the notorious Baron Kurt von Schroder. 
British visitors of Anglo-German Fellowship evenings have included a number of well known aristocratic appeasers, among them the Duke of Hamilton, the Lord Steward of the Royal Household whom Rudolf Hess tried to reach in 1941; Lord Londonderry, leader of the House of Lords and member of the Imperial Policy Group; the Duke of Wellington, a landowner who was a member of the secret fascist group the Right Club; Sir Ernest Bennett, another member of the Right Club; Frank Cyril Tiarks and his son Henry Frederick Tiarks (a Pilgrim), leading lights in the Bank of England and the Schroder Bank; Lord Lothian, a Pilgrim who was seen by Quigley as one of the leaders of the Round Table; and Lord Halifax, one of Chamberlain's missionaries who was a great supporter of National Socialism (also a Pilgrim).  Sir Harry Brittain, co-founder, secretary and chairman of the Pilgrims of Great Britain, was a member of the Anglo-German Fellowship's central council, together with Lord Walter Runciman, whose report in favor of the Sudenten Germans in Czechoslovakia in part led to the Munich Agreement; and Lord McGowan, the chairman of Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI) and one the men to whom interned Nazi industrialists and bankers looked after World War II to get them paroled. 
The purpose of the Anglo-German Fellowship was to "bring about enduring friendship between the German and British peoples" . The German attitude, which often corresponded with those of British aristocrats, was represented by a conversation Tennant had with Ribbentrop in mid 1939, about which Tennant recorded:
"Hitler had always hoped and expected to come to a firm understanding with Britain by which Germany, after having guaranteed the present frontiers of France, Holland and Belgium for ever, would look after Britain's interests on the Continent in exchange for Britain looking after Germany's interests overseas. This would have meant peace and prosperity for 1000 years. Hitler used to have tremendous ideas of what could be done with the two countries marching in step side by side... Ribbentrop's last words to me as we parted on the platform in Berlin were 'Good-bye, and let us remember your English proverb - "It is never too late to mend"'. 
Interestingly, Tennant was a (very) close relative of the younger Sir Peter Tennant , who after World War II would chair some of the meetings of the hard-right, anti-communist Pinay Cercle. Certain French members of this Cercle used to have close ties to the Banque Worms and the Synarchy clique. The son of Sir Ernest Bennett (a fellowship member), Sir Frederic M. Bennett, was another post-war anti-communist crusader closely associated with the British Pinay Cercle leadership.
One interesting name that stands out among the visitors of the Anglo-German Fellowship is the Princess de Chimay.  Her husband, the Prince of Chimay, had died in 1937. This family name is of particular interest to PEHI, because in 2007 we reported how the Belgian domain of the Princes of Chimay has been named in the X-Dossiers as a place where members of a fascist underground were raping and hunting on children in the 1970s and 1980s.
|1939||Right Club||The Right Club was an anti-semitic, fascist group set up in May 1939 by Captain Archibald Ramsay, MP. In contrast to the British Union of Fascists, led by Oswald Mosley, the Right Club was exclusive and secret. It was only in the late 1990s that a good number of names and details of this club became available to the public. A summary of the history of the legendary "Red Book", which contained the members and donors of the Right Club, was given by The Independent in 2000: |
"The existence of the Red Book first emerged in 1943 during a heated debate in Parliament. By then, it had already been seized by MI5. For 40 years, the ledger was believed to have been lost and its whereabouts was much speculated upon... What happened to the Red Book? According to Professor Richard Griffiths, the police had it until October 1944. But it seems likely that it was returned to Ramsay after his release. Nothing was seen of it until the late 1980s, when it was discovered at the bottom of an old safe in a solicitor's office. Luckily, the finder was familiar with Professor Griffiths's work and passed it to him. Professor Griffiths used it as a primary source for his book, Patriotism Perverted: Captain Ramsay, The Right Club and British Anti-Semitism 1939-40 [published in 1998], then deposited the book at the Wiener Library. Last week it was, for the first time, opened to the public." 
Although the Independent claimed to be the first to review the Red Book after Professor Griffiths, it actually was the Daily Mail who already in December 1998 went to visit Professor Griffiths and reviewed a copy of the book. The Daily Mail wrote:
"Among Right-wingers, from Edward VIII downwards, there was a widespread view that only a powerful Germany could hold back the threat of Bolshevism, and that Britain should be supporting Hitler, not preparing to attack him. Most people who shared this belief were not demonstrably anti-Semitic: but a minority were, and a number of them appear in the pages of the Red Book [of the Right Club]...
"Civilian life never really suited him [Archibald Ramsay] and he saw the spectre of what he called Organised Jewry behind every 'subversive' movement, ranging from Oliver Cromwell and the French Revolution to the spread of Communism. There was a host of well-connected men and women who shared Ramsay's views. They joined the Right Club, whose main object was to avert war, in Ramsay's words, by working 'to oppose and expose the activities of organised Jewry'... It forged connections with other pro-Nazi, anti-Semitic groups, such as The Link, with more than 4,000 members, founded by Admiral Sir Barry Domvile, a former Director of Naval Intelligence [another group it strongly overlapped with was the Nordic League, which believed in the Aryan master race theory]... These were people whose bibles were Hitler's Mein Kampf and something called the Protocols Of The Elders Of Zion..." 
Even though it was considerable more extreme, and therefore dangerous to be affiliated with, still a number of influential aristocrats were members of the Right Club. The Duke of Wellington, a frequent chair of the club's meetings, and Sir Ernest Bennett  have already been mentioned as they were also visitors of the Anglo-German Fellowship. Admiral Sir Barry Domvile, founder of the fascist Link group, was a member of the Right Club.  Domvile was immediately picked up after war with Germany broke out. During his internment he claimed to fellow-inmates that Hitler "would soon be in this country, but that there was no reason to worry about it, because he would bring the Duke of Windsor over as King and conditions generally would be much improved."  Major-General John Fuller, a good friend of the fascist press baron Lord Rothermere, was a member.  Fuller was a respected military figure on one hand; an occultist formerly close to Aleister Crowley on the other. Other members of the Right Club were the 2nd Duke of Westminster, the 2nd Baron Redesdale, who was the father of the Mitford Sisters; William Joyce, who fled Britain when World War II broke out and became a Nazi propagandist; the Marquess of Graham, the later 7th Duke of Montrose and Minister of Defence in Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front government; Commander E. H. Cole, an anti-communist crusader since day one who had been appointed Chancellor of the White Knights, a British version of the Ku Klux Klan; Sir James Edmondson, a Conservative MP who was vice- chamberlain of the [Royal] Household from 1939 to 1942; the 1st Baron Teviot, a great-grandson of the 6th Marquess of Lothian, a Conservative MP, a comptroller of the Household from 1939 to 1940 and chairman of the Liberal National Party/National Liberal Party from 1940 to 1956; and many others. 
Ramsay actually ran the Right Club with former Russian White Army fascist Anna Wolkoff, who had developed a good relationship with the Duchess of Windsor.  In early 1940, Ramsay and Wolkoff were contacted by a cypher clerk at the United States Embassy in London who had been given highest level security clearances. This cypher clerk, Tyler Kent, was copying top secret communications between Roosevelt and Churchill and was particularly looking for evidence that Roosevelt wanted to bring the United States into World War II, something which was opposed by approximately 90 percent of U.S. citizens. Kent, Wolkoff and Ramsay provided their copied information to Italy and Germany, and tried to reach anti-Roosevelt isolationist forces in the United States. They were soon found out about and arrested in May 1940. A copy of the Red Book was found in Tyler's possession, which aided in the arrest of several hundred other fascists in the same period. 
As can be indicated from the societies just described, appeasement was not at all unique to the Chamberlain government; it was a policy supported by many people. There was a great difference, however, between the public's idea of appeasement, which was simply focused on the avoidance of a new war, and the idea of the ruling class to use appeasement as a tool to reorganize Europe in a way to their liking. These differences in attitude are quite obvious considering the almost total lack of sympathy for the people having to live under fascist rule. Not only did the appeasers sell out the Czechoslovakians, they also left Poland in the cold when it was attacked by Germany, and had earlier supported Franco's takeover of Spain. As early as 1933, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Zionist-oriented families as the Cecils and Rothschilds described in depth the persecutions against the Jews.  To the appeasers this didn't matter at all. They set up harsh immigration laws preventing the Jews from entering England and through the 1939 White Paper even made sure that immigration to Palestine was almost impossible. The reason for this last move was simple: Chamberlain and associates were also appeasing the anti-semite, fascist Arabs of the Middle-East, like Ibn Saud and the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. The appeasers' approach to Europe was entirely geopolitical. An example of this attitude is a 1936 speech of Arthur Salter (Pilgrims), a person who largely devised the structure on which today's European Union is based:
"[Salter] offered his arguments to support appeasement. He quoted Smuts's speech of 1934 with approval and pointed out the great need for living space and raw materials for Japan, Italy, and Germany. The only solution, he felt, was for Britain to yield to these needs... The liquidation of countries between Germany and Russia could proceed as soon as the Rhineland was fortified, without fear on Germany's part that France would be able to attack her in the west while she was occupied in the east." 
A co-appeaser of Sir Arthur Salter, Sir Ernest Bennett, as a member of the Anglo-German Fellowship and the Right Club arguably a total fascist, defended Chamberlain's policies as follows in 1939:
"If the Germans, Italians, Turks, or other nations had no liking for parliaments, and preferred to be controlled by individual leaders whom they admired and trusted, surely that was their affair, not ours... leave other nations to govern themselves as they think fit." 
An ally on the other side of the ocean, the earlier-mentioned Thomas W. Lamont, the Morgan banker and Pilgrims chairman who was a great supporter of Mussolini, was quoted saying almost exactly the same thing:
"Are we liberal enough to be willing for the Italian people to have the sort of government they apparently want?" 
It's just really hard for the average person to understand mindsets like these, and it's no surprise then that the British people were completely done with appeasement when even after the 1938 Munich Agreement - which many people already were very uncomfortable with - Hitler continued to demand new territory. The British public has actually been the reason that Chamberlain and his associates were never able to negotiate an alliance with Nazi Germany , something which Hitler desperately wanted. Because of this, Hitler was forced to attack the West first, cripple both France and England, and secure the entire Atlantic coast, from Hammerfest down to the Pyrenees. Already after the Dunkirk victory Hitler concluded that the "English [wouldn't] show up again in this war" , but he did continue an air and sea campaign against Great Britain, trying to get it to surrender. Hitler had many reasons not to start a prolonged war against Great Britain. These were:
- Conquering England would be very difficult because of its military power, isolation from mainland Europe, and material support from the United States.
- An alliance with England would make a successful invasion of the USSR more likely and would neutralize any threat from France (or England for that matter).
- Conquering Great Britain would result in the collapse of its empire, something which Hitler assumed would mainly benefit the Americans and the Japanese, as Germany would not be able to maintain the empire.
- Hitler believed in Germany's Teutonic heritage, which lay in the East; not in the West.
- Hitler was very much interested in destroying Jews and communism, both of which could primarily be found towards the East of Germany.
- Hitler considered Great Britain an equal in terms of cultural achievements and purity of the genes.
For about a year Hitler continued his campaign against Great Britain. Besides regular warfare, Hitler also dropped numerous leaflets of his July 1940 speech 'A last appeal to reason' over Britain, trying to up the pressure on Churchill to negotiate a peace settlement.  All this didn't work, Hitler gave up, and the last great German bombardment on British soil was on May 10, 1941. The following month Hitler began his attack on the Soviet Union.
The same day as the last German bombardment on Britain, one of the more peculiar events of World War II transpired: Rudolf Hess, Hitler's deputy, flew to Scotland in an effort to reach the Duke of Hamilton. Unfortunately for Hess, his self-imposed  mission failed, and he was put in jail. Initially Hess wouldn't say a word about what he had come to do in Britain. It was only after a visit from Lord Beaverbrook, an old friend, that he explained Hitler's desire for an Anglo-German military alliance against the Soviet Union.  Hess was a rather curious mysticist who apparently didn't realise his own irrationality. Hitler's idea of an anti-communist alliance was already known in the anti-communist, pro-German upper class he tried to reach, but they had not been able to circumvent Churchill or public opinion. Hess somehow assumed that his visit would have made a difference. As Churchill recounted:
"We have also to remember how oddly foreigners view our country and its way of doing things. When Rudolf Hess flew over here some months ago he firmly believed that he had only to gain access to certain circles in this country for what he described as "the Churchill clique" to be thrown out of power and for a Government to be set up with which Hitler could negotiate a magnanimous peace." 
At this point there still are more questions than answers when it comes to the extent of the collaboration between Western politicians, bankers and industrialists with their Nazi counterparts. The role of leading Wall Street bankers is quite well known, but details about Great Britain and especially France are still a bit lacking. The same is true for the reasons behind this cooperation. Although the appeasers and isolationists were all allied in anti-communism, many of them appear to have had slightly varying reasons for supporting a soft-line approach towards Nazi Germany. The reasons that have been mentioned include:
- Businessmen who were only interested in making money.
- Members of the British establishment (and their allies) who wanted to build up Germany as a counterweight to France and the Soviet Union.
- Members of the British establishment (and their allies) who not only wanted to build up Germany, but also wanted it to attack Russia and cripple France.
- Bankers and industrialists from Allied countries who conspired with their colleagues in the fascist nations in an effort to destroy international communism, undermine labor unions and individual rights, and carve up the world markets in monopolies.
The ideas of these groups overlap to such an extent and so many members have been hiding their true reasons for supporting appeasement and isolation that it is almost impossible to tell who were only interested in making money, who were solely defending the interests of their class or their country, and who truly were international fascist conspirators. An example is the Rockefeller family. It has often been claimed that the Rockefellers were only interested in making money. However, they were also very anti-communist and close to the British aristocracy, which makes them candidates for category two or three. They might also fit in category four, as their Standard Oil company was part of the international cartel network which included Du Pont, General Motors and Ford in the United States, Imperial Chemical Industries in England, Kuhlmann in France, I.G. Farben in Germany, and Mitsui in Japan. Standard Oil's openly pro-Nazi and pro-American fascism policies before and during World War II are additional evidence that the claim that they were only interested in making money is too simplistic. Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, the father of appeasement, is another good example. He is often portrayed as a well-intentioned man who desperately wanted to avoid another war, but on the other hand he was rabidly anti-communist and never cared one bit for the Jews in either Nazi Germany or Palestine. Chamberlain also had significant stockholdings in Imperial Chemical Industries , encouraged investment in Nazi Germany and didn't mind agitating the Soviets . So as you can see, it's not entirely clear what the Anglo-American establishment expected of the Nazis.
What makes the question of Nazi collaboration even more confusing is the fact that many members of the same establishment that worked with the Nazi regime at the same time tried to get rid of Hitler. The anti-Hitler resistance in Germany largely centered around Admiral Wilhelm Canaris and his associates, who worked together with British Intelligence since 1938 in an effort to overthrow the German dictator. Prince Berhard's younger brother, Aschwin, was among the intermediaries between the German conspirators and British Intelligence. These conspirators were not so much against authoritarian regimes, as their support for Franco showed, or their early support for Hitler, but they did consider Hitler a loose cannon who in the end would destroy Germany.
The whole problem with Hitler was that he could not be controlled by the establishments of the time. For centuries Germany had been divided by monarchist Protestant (mainly Prussian) and Catholic (mainly Bavarian) interests. Except for his anti-communism and anti-socialism, Hitler had little in common with these monarchist aristocrats, which he made painfully clear when marginalizing the influence of Franz von Papen in both 1933 and 1934. Von Papen was a reactionary Catholic nobleman and Knight of Malta who had earlier boasted to his associates that he would be able to control Hitler. He made the same mistake as Fritz Thyssen and Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler's early crucial supporters, and the British appeasers. All of them wanted a strong, anti-communist leader, but at the same time one that the Vatican or the Anglo-American interests could reason with. Hitler, on the other hand, once he didn't need his patrons anymore, set off on his own Germanic paganist conquering agenda, which ultimately was anti-Prostestant, anti-Catholic, anti-Jewish, or even anti-Masonic for that matter. Many high society people would have been fine with this as long as Nazism and communism fought each other to death, or when Nazism at the very least kept communism away from Europe. Unfortunately for these aristocrats, public opinion wouldn't allow Britain to go fascist, which would have been necessary to prevent Hitler from securing the Atlantic coast first; and as soon as Hitler did this, public opinion in Britain demanded that the appeasers had to go and war be declared.
But even before Chamberlain was ousted by the public in May 1940, the less-hardline members of the Anglo-American establishment had already understood their mistake trying to work with Hitler. Arthur Salter, the appeaser who earlier had agreed to Germany's "need" for living space and raw materials, had been urging the Chamberlain government since the summer of 1939 to struck an anti-German alliance with the Soviet Union. Other members of the Astor's Cliveden Set (and the Anglo-American Establishment) also changed their opinion. In early 1937 the Pilgrims of the United States had still been interested in inviting members of the pro-appeasement Imperial Policy Group, but by October 1939, when England had officially declared war on Germany, Lord Lothian was invited to give a speech on how England would appreciate it if the United States would stand by its side when the real fighting would break out. Lothian received the full support of his friend Thomas W. Lamont, the Morgan banker and Pilgrims Society chairman, who arranged for Lothian to speak to a number of New York-based groups. In May 1940, Lamont became one of the members of the Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, the most visible of the pro-interventionist lobby and pressure groups. Among the Pilgrims who were members of this committee were Nicholas Murray Butler, John W. Davis, James W. Gerard, Frank L. Polk, Bishop James de Wolf Perry and Adlai Stevenson.  In December 1941, with the Pearl Harbor attack, followed a few days later with a declaration of war by Germany, these establishment figures got what they needed.
It is clear that by the middle of 1939 members of the Anglo-American Establishment were on the same page as Franklin Delano Roosevelt when it came to his pro-interventionist policies, but still they couldn't help intensely disliking the man. For years they had tried to get rid of him, mainly for reasons having to do with the New Deal.
The Pilgrims, FDR and American fascism
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, president of the United States from 1933 to 1945. FDR fought Wall Street and the big industrialists over the New Deal, their policy of isolationism and the attempts to implement an American form of fascism. Conspiracy literature often tries to point out that FDR brought the U.S. into World War II, first by cutting off the Japanese from American oil and steel; then by allowing the Japanese to attack Pearl Harbor. This last accusation may well be true, and while some things can't be talked right, consider also what may have happened if the United States would not have entered World War II. There wouldn't have been a D-Day; Germany and Japan may well have taken over half of Asia, and with the support of the Arabs (which they had) received unlimited amounts of oil; the British Empire - with no U.S. support - would likely either have turned fascist or would have gone down, while the American bankers and industrialists would likely have been a lot more successful at establishing their own form of fascism (a total suppression of the labor force and of democratic rights). Latin America already was largely fascist and Africa would have been plundered for its resources. No, although he may have had his flaws, FDR's policy of intervention was the right one. It was only at the last moment that he received support from a significant portion of the Anglo-American Establishment, after they had come to realize that the British public wouldn't tolerate an Anglo-German peace and that Hitler could not be counted on to leave Britain alone forever.
|"At a garden party at the British embassy in Washington [in 1939], the king and queen sat up on a porch in remote splendor with several private citizens--Jack Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and Mrs. Cornelius Vanderbilt. Only two New Dealers [working under President Franklin Roosevelt], James Farley and Cordell Hull, were allowed to join them. ... It didn't help the House of Morgan, for it reinforced the old stereotype of the firm's being in league with the British Crown. ... In late August 1939, Jack Morgan and King George VI were shooting together at Balmoral in Scotland, complaining about the bird shortage, when Europe suddenly mobilized for war. Like sovereigns retreating to their respective capitals, the king returned to London and Jack to Wall Street." |
- 1990, Ron Chernow, 'The House of Morgan', p. 440
FDR had been elected president of the United States in 1933 when the Great Depression was at its worst. About 25 percent of the population was out of work with millions living on the streets. Roosevelt immediately introduced his far reaching New Deal program, which included the crippling of stock speculation, the setting up watch dog agencies for banks, and the introduction of large scale construction projects for the unemployed. The New Deal further established a national minimum wage, limited a regular workweek to 40 hours, abolished child labor, introduced social security, supported the homeless, and prevented employers from hindering unionization. To finance these projects Roosevelt had to take the United States off the gold standard.
Needless to say, the big interests were horrified with this New Deal program. Almost immediately they began to make plans to get rid of Roosevelt; plans which were exposed in detail by General Smedley Butler before the 1934 McCormack-Dickstein Committee. Butler detailed how in July 1933 he had been approached by Gerald C. MacGuire, a Wall Street bond salesman with a position in the American Legion. MacGuire and his financiers had devised a whole scheme through which Butler would be able to make a speech to the American Legion in favor of the gold standard. The excuse MacGuire gave was that he and his associates didn't want the veterans of World War I to receive the bonus they had been promised by Congress to be handed to them in devaluated currency at some point in the future. Butler knew that something was wrong here, but tried to play along for a while, leading to MacGuire giving him certain details of who were behind the scheme. It turned out that behind MacGuire were men as Grayson M. P. Murphy, head of the family's brokerage firm at which MacGuire was employed and also director of the Guarantee Trust; Robert S. Clark, a wealthy banker whom Butler had known in the past; James H. Perkins, chairman of the Rockefeller's National City Bank; men from the Morgan Bank; and John W. Davis, chair of Davis, Polk and Wardwell, chief attorney of J. P. Morgan & Co. and founding president of the Council on Foreign Relations.  And important for this article: Murphy's son was a Pilgrim, Davis was president of the Pilgrims, the men heading the Morgan Bank were Pilgrims, and Perkins almost certainly was another Pilgrim.
At that point Butler had already concluded that a lot of what MacGuire had told him was true, not the least because the many predictions MacGuire made had a tendency to come true. This latest prediction was no exception. Two weeks after his discussion with MacGuire, newspapers reported on the founding of the American Liberty League. Investigative author Jules Archer, who documented the whole affair in great detail, wrote:
"Butler's eyes widened when he read that the treasurer of the American Liberty League was none other than MacGuire's own boss, Grayson M.-P. Murphy, and one of its financiers was Robert S. Clark. Heading and directing the organization were Du Pont and J.P. Morgan and Company men.Morgan attorney John W. Davis was a member of the National Executive Committee-the same Davis that Clark had identified as author of the gold-standard speech MacGuire had tried to get Butler to make to the American Legion convention in Chicago.
"Heavy contributors to the American Liberty League included the Pitcairn family (Pittsburgh Plate Glass), Andrew W. Mellon Associates, Rockefeller Associates, E.F. Hutton Associates, William S. Knudsen (General Motors), and the Pew family (Sun Oil Associates). J. Howard Pew, longtime friend and supporter of Robert Welch, who later founded the John Birch Society, was a generous patron, along with other members of the Pew family, of extremist right-wing causes. Other directors of the league included Al Smith and John J. Raskob.
"Two organizations affiliated with the league were openly Fascist and antilabor. One was the Sentinels of the Republic, financed chiefly by the Pitcairn family and J. Howard Pew. Its members labeled the New Deal "Jewish Communism" and insisted "the old line of Americans of $1,200.00 a year want a Hitler."
"The other was the Southern Committee to Uphold the Constitution, which the conservative Baltimore Sun described as "a hybrid organization financed by northern money, but playing on the Ku Klux Klan prejudices of the south." Its sponsor, John H. Kirby, collaborated in anti-Semitic drives against the New Deal with the Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, leader of the first Silver Shirt Squad of American storm troopers.
""The brood of anti-New Deal organizations spawned by the Liberty League," the New York Post subsequently charged, "are in turn spawning fascism."" 
After reading about the founding of the American Liberty League, Butler decided to have someone come in and confirm his story. He contacted an old friend, Paul Comly French, an investigative journalist for the Philadelphia Record whose articles also appeared in the New York Post. After the blessing of Philadelphia Record city editor Tom O'Neil, French began his effort to confirm Butler's story. Butler at some point introduced French to MacGuire, leading to a two hour discussion between the latter two without Butler being present.
Butler and French were invited to testify to the McCormack-Dickstein Committee on November 20, 1934. Judging from French's testimony, MacGuire had been more forthcoming to French than he had ever dared to be to Butler. French testified:
"We need a fascist government in this country, he insisted, to save the nation from the Communists who want to tear it down and wreck all that we have built in America. The only men who have the patriotism to do it are the soldiers and Smedley Butler is the ideal leader. He could organize a million men overnight.
"During the conversation he told me he had been in Italy and Germany during the summer of 1934 and had made an intensive study of the background of the Nazi and Fascist movements and how the veterans had played a part in them. He said he had obtained enough information on the Fascist and Nazi movements and of the part played by the veterans, to properly set one up in this country...
"He [MacGuire] had a very brilliant solution of the unemployment situation. He said that Roosevelt had muffed it terrifically, but that he had the plan. He had seen it in Europe. It was a plan that Hitler had used in putting all of the unemployed in labor camps or barracks-enforced labor. That would solve it overnight, and he said that when they got into power, that is what they would do; that that was the ideal plan.
"He had another suggestion to register all persons all over the country, like they do in Europe. He said that would stop a lot of the Communist agitators who were running around the country." 
Butler and French were also supported by the testimony of James Van Zandt, head of the Veterans of Foreign Wars. After having been given information by MacGuire, Butler had warned Van Zandt that he too would probably be approached by the fascist plotters. At the hearing Van Zandt testified that this had indeed been the case, and that he had seen some of the data on fascist organizations MacGuire had taken back with him from Europe. Van Zandt further testified that not only he himself, Douglas MacArthur and Hanford MacNider had been approached (as Butler had stated), but also Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., a founder of the American Legion. MacArthur and Roosevelt would vehemently deny that they had been approached by any coup plotters, but this actually means very little. MacArthur would later become a close associate of the anti-communist cult leader Sun Myung Moon, while his cousin - another Moon associate - would become deeply involved in the darkest aspects of the fascist international. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.'s family were also extreme right wing anti-communist crusaders who supported the post war Nazi networks and rose to top positions in the CIA. For more information about MacArthur and his cousin MacArthur II, read PEHI's 'Beyond the Dutroux Affair' (now ISGP) article. For more information on the descendants of Theodore Roosevelt, read on.
When questioning Gerald MacGuire in front of their committee, John McCormack and Samuel Dickstein found out he couldn't present an alibi on numerous occasions. The committee additionally found evidence that MacGuire had written detailed reports on Mussolini's Blackshirts, Hitler's Brownshirts, the French Croix de Feu and a related fascist group from the Netherlands to Robert Clark and Clark's attorney, Albert G. Christmas. But even though the initial hearings and investigation clearly showed their had been a fascist coup in the making in the United States, the committee would fail to subpoena the powerful bankers and industrialists mentioned during the hearings. In the weeks following the testimonies of Butler, French, Van Zandt and MacGuire, the committee asked to be renewed in order to continue the investigation. The House of Representatives decided to let the committee expire instead, shutting it down in January 1935. The whole affair would soon be forgotten. Many years later, during an interview with Jules Archer on September 17, 1971, John McCormack would summarize the view of the committee at the time:
"There was no doubt that General Butler was telling the truth. We believed his testimony one hundred percent. He was a great, patriotic American in every respect."
"Millions were at stake when Clark and the others got the Legion to pass that resolution on the gold standard in 1933. When Roosevelt refused to be pressured by it, and went even further off the gold standard, those fellows got desperate and decided to look into European methods, with the idea of introducing them to America. They sent Macguire to Europe to study the Fascist organizations."
"The way I figure it, we did our job in the committee by exposing the plot, and then it was up to the Department of Justice to do their job-to take it from there. I have no knowledge why the Attorney General did not pursue this matter except that most likely it was deemed politically inadvisable." 
In line with some of the rumors in the days of the committee, McCormack stated in his biography that he suspected that President Roosevelt himself had supported the cover-up. A public prosecution of the nation's most powerful men would have added tremendous burdens to Roosevelt's already overcrowded schedule (not to mention the doom it may have spelled to the nation's economy). The affair could also have split Roosevelt's own party, as a number of leading Democrats were allied with the fascists. McCormack reasoned that it may have been enough for Roosevelt to thwart the plot and keep the suspects under surveillance. This is actually a strategy that has also been attributed to Roosevelt by John Loftus.
There is evidence that the big interests were not deterred by the Butler affair and that they continued their intrigues against Roosevelt. Cornelius "Neil" Vanderbilt, Jr., the son of a Pilgrims Society executive who has been named on several occasions in this article, published his biography in 1959. In this biography Neil described how he had decided to become a reporter - a career move his parents did not support - and how by 1932 he had become an unofficial informer to his good friend Franklin Delano Roosevelt. In this capacity Neil traveled around the country, listening to the word on the street, and regularly met with world leaders (his association with the U.S. president was a great way to get interviews). Vanderbilt further described how the entire "old 400" and their associates absolutely despised the president and did everything they could to get rid of him.
In 1936, for example, Neil was told over dinner how Ogden Mills and Andrew Mellon - respectively a member and an executive member of the Pilgrims Society - were planning to tie "tie [Roosevelt's] hands financially, very, very soon". An excerpt of Neil's account to the private secretary of President Roosevelt:
"I see that John D. Jr. [Rockefeller, a Pilgrim] has crawled back again upon the band wagon, which reminds me that Tuesday evening I took Mrs. Winthrop Aldrich [her husband was a Pilgrim] in to dinner here at the house, and after dinner Winthrop spent the better part of one-half hour in discussing how men of affairs should teach the President the lesson that the minority of 17 million who voted for Landon [anti-New Deal; claimed that FDR was subverting the Constitution] was a strenuous minority [big business] and would oppose any of his progressive, radical [read: "communist"] plans...
"Last night I took Lady Granard in to dinner. She is Ogden Mills' sister, as you probably know, and her husband is Master of the Horse at the British [Royal] Court. She was very abusive and extremely nasty in all of her many references to the Chief [FDR] and said that her brother and Mr. Mellon and others were formulating plans to tie his hands financially, very, very soon.
" I thought these things might be of interest to the President before he went south and am sending them to you in the strictest confidence." 
Much more damning was Neil's account of a plot being hatched to oust Roosevelt which counted the involvement of his mother's associates. Neil placed the hatching of this plot around 1940, a full six to seven years after the testimonies of Butler, French and Van Zandt. Neil didn't give names, but it is known that his mother knew virtually everyone in the Anglo-American establishment, including the Morgans, Rockefellers and Harrimans--so it appears that some of the same interests were involved as those mentioned to the McCormack-Dickstein Committee in late 1933. Neil:
"No small part of my duty as a "public ear" for FDR was to report to him opinions expressed in Newport and at the Fifth Avenue house by people who were my mother's guests, because these people often represented important forces or areas of influence...
"The 1940 election, breaking the third-term precedent, confirmed FDR as the people's choice to carry on through the war years... but many people were not pleased, especially those traditionalists who were outraged by the overthrow of the third-term precedent which they had counted on to rid them of "That Man." ...
"On the fringes of this group were the anti-New Dealers whose prejudices were already roused, certain wealthy and influential Southerners, certain Catholic admirers of Franco, certain sections of the press... These people were no less intense in their anti-Roosevelt feeling, and they could be depended on to spread or originate rumors and fan the flames of hate, although they lacked the power and unity of the hard core of financial and industrial opposition.
"In addition to these fellow travelers in the anti-Roosevelt movement, there were also a few who acted as liaison with the hard core of opposition that really meant business. And some of them, I was sorry to discover, were to be met at my mother's house--wealthy industrialists, internationalists of the royalist persuasion...
"For years my father had been too ill to see his old friends, and so he never knew that relatives of a wealthy Midwesterner, whom Mother never liked but who was kind to me in my childhood, were involved in what I now had to consider a real conspiracy. Finally, from one of my oldest friends and colleagues in Washington, to whom I was indebted for past favors, I got confirmation of what I had learned in New Port and New York.
"I use the word conspiracy; I really am talking of a plot--a serious, long-discussed plan to -shall I say- capture the President...
"One problem was whether to tell FDR. It was no time to add to his worries. At length, torn by this question, I talked to Mrs. Roosevelt about it--this was late in the day, months after the investigations began. She promised to tell FDR at Hyde Park, and she did, only to discover, as she told me later, that he had known all along...
"So what happened? Well, as you know, the President never was captured by the enemy. Neither was any conspiracy exposed, with public scandals and punishments. When the facts were known, I was permitted to call my friend, and another army man I knew well, and offer a tip that all the plans were known. Those in the cabal were not disgraced or downgraded, but they weren't promoted either." 
Since it was funded by the largest banking and industrial fortunes, fascism in the United States had many heads. Next to the American Liberty League, there was the National Association of Manufacturers, the National Industrial Information Committee, and the National Economy League. These organizations were all funded and headed by the same interests. Smaller groupings of almost exclusively anti-semitic fascists included the Crusaders, the Sentinels of the Republic, the Southern Committee to Uphold the Constitution, the Order of '76, the Ku Klux Klan, and the KKK's Black Legion. Like the much larger and more respectable American Legion, these groups were often used to break labor strikes with the argument that the laborers were part of a communist takeover of the United States. George Seldes in his 1943 book 'Facts and Fascism' detailed a lot of these organizations. He also covered the terrible repression of labor unions by the major industrialists who at the same time funded and promoted fascism.
Labels: The Pilgrims Society